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In the St. Petersburg art space mArs (Polye de Mars) on Wednesday, February 8, historian Daniil Kotsiubinsky will continue his story about the fatal cycles of Russian history. The event starts at 19:00.
At the fifteenth meeting, the regulars of the Kvartirnik project will learn about what the era of Boris Yeltsin has in common with the reign of Alexander III.
“In those distant, deaf years, sleep and darkness reigned in the hearts: Pobedonostsev spread owl wings over Russia,” – these Blok lines, referring to the times of the penultimate Russian emperor, are remembered by many.
At first glance, there is little in common between the eras of the counter-reformer Alkesander III and the reformer Boris Yeltsin. One curtailed the liberal transformations of his father, Alexander II, the other radically completed the Western reformism begun by his predecessor, Mikhail Gorbachev.
And yet, in the main, the eras of Alexander III and Boris Yeltsin are related. Both rulers tried to raise the state “from its knees”, on which the liberal autocrat-predecessor had previously dropped it. Both sought to revive and strengthen as much as possible the key element of the Russian cultural code: “the inviolability of the autocracy.” Both tried to secure the status of an absolute power monopoly.
Like all Russian autocrats-counter-reformers, Russian President Boris Yeltsin did not enter into deliberately failed negotiations and behind-the-scenes deals with the oppositionists (as Mikhail Gorbachev tried to do), but, to the best of his strength and skills, he firmly put the “rebels in their place”, not stopping before force and massive bloodshed.
Yeltsin shot down the building of the Supreme Soviet of Russia. I was going to send troops to Tatarstan. Force crushed the political conflict between the Ingush and Ossetians, leaving a bloody memorial trail that continues to this day. Started a war in Chechnya, the consequences of which are relevant to this day. Together with Yegor Gaidar, he carried out a predatory (primarily in relation to the owners of Sberbank deposits frozen under Gorbachev) price liberalization – in the name of a “deficit-free budget”, which still failed to be built. Implemented, together with Anatoly Chubais, a scam “voucher privatization”.
He began to hold annual military parades on May 9. In fact, he encouraged the revival of a positive memory of the USSR (TV project “Old Songs about the Main”, etc.). He tried to develop a new “national idea” for Russia.
He relied on Gazprom as, according to Viktor Chernomyrdin, “the backbone of Russia.”
In a word, in addition to the general transfer of the economy to the state-capitalist rails and the rapid revival of small and private businesses (together with organized crime), he tried to restore Russia’s sovereign prestige, lost as a result of the collapse of the USSR (which happened with the active participation of Yeltsin himself).
Tried and failed.
Lost the war with Chechnya. He brought down his own authority against the backdrop of multiple public alcoholic “impromptu”, like “conducting” a German military orchestra.
Towards the end of Yeltsin’s reign, Russia, although it remained generally a country controlled by the Kremlin, “quietly spread” into the so-called. regional baronies.
But still the main thing Yeltsin managed. He was able to maximally “warm up” in the country the expectation of imperial restoration and a strong revenge. Both internal and external. He prepared everything so that his successor could use these moods effectively and for a long time. And he himself unmistakably picked up this successor and “installed” it into power.
But why didn’t Boris Yeltsin manage to do everything that Vladimir Putin would be able to achieve in the future, namely, “raise a nuclear power from its knees”? What got in the way? Low oil prices? “Inertial curse” of Gorbachev’s liberal-anti-imperial heritage? Fatal bad luck with the “historical cycle”? Or just a banal lack of a sober mind, good will and other personal qualities?
The guests of Kvartirnik will hear the answers to all these questions.
Tickets can be purchased before the start of the event.
Source: Rosbalt
Mario Twitchell is an accomplished author and journalist, known for his insightful and thought-provoking writing on a wide range of topics including general and opinion. He currently works as a writer at 247 news agency, where he has established himself as a respected voice in the industry.
