Macron, between the reform and the crises, a mandate without respite

the president of France, Emmanuel Macroncame to power with an extensive liberal program and began his term with reformist impetus, but was slowed down by a succession of crises: the “yellow vests”, the pandemic and the Ukrainian crisis.

The youngest president in the history of France has not enjoyed a moment of truce since on May 14, 2017, at the age of 39, he crossed the gate of the Elysee.

“His mandate has been marked by extremely serious and exceptional crises,” explains university professor Anne-Cécile Douillet, author of the book “L’Entreprise Macron à l’épreuve du pouvoir” (Macron’s action in the face of the test of power) , which he considers led him to “renounce the agenda that had been set.”

Macron faces reelection with a paradox: the majority of the French disapprove of his mandate, but Macron appears at the head of all the polls to renew the position in April.

Criticism of his arrogance, the liberal nature of his reforms or his failure to keep his promises are offset by some good economic figures: he leaves a country with less unemployment (7.4% unemployment rate compared to 9.6% in 2017), a growth robust economic growth and a record number of foreign companies setting up on French soil.

The first months: “We will not give in to inertia”

Elected without the backing of any of the country’s traditional parties, the former finance minister for socialist François Hollande and a former business banker began his career with one creed: reform where others had failed.

The labor reform and the public railway company SNCF were his first fronts, where his desire for change collided with the deep inertia of the country, according to Douillet.

In parallel, he introduced a law to moralize public life, which cost him the support of some ally, and he reformed the taxation of the highest incomes, which earned him the nickname “president of the rich”.

The “yellow vests”: “We have gone too fast”

A part of the country showed its disagreement through the iconoclastic movement of the “yellow vests”, which emerged in November 2018, initially as an opposition to the increase in fuel taxes and which ended up bringing together all the dissatisfied.

Generally defined as a rejection of the power locked up in Paris, they moved closer to positions of the extreme right, but the violence in their demonstrations and their strength on the street, every Saturday for a year, put Macron in check.

The images of the burning Champs Elysées led the president to turn around in his reformist drive and to recognize that, perhaps, he had gone “too fast” in his reforms.

The president withdrew some of his initiatives, ended the rise in fuel rates and increased the minimum wage.

“He did not radically change his policies, but he did change his way of governing, less personalistic, more participatory,” says the professor.

But his pension reform proposal put him back on the defensive.

COVID: “We are at war”

In this context, the coronavirus broke out and Macron positioned himself as a “commander-in-chief” who declared the “war against the pandemic.”

“He assumes the role of head of state, which places him at the forefront of criticism. His omnipresence harms his image, ”Douillet considers.

From that moment on, all his decisions were aimed at combating the virus, which led him to confine the country twice and introduce restrictive measures that marked a drastic slowdown in the economy, which experienced the worst recession since World War II.

The liberal Macron was transformed into a “Keynesian” who, with the doctrine of “whatever it costs”, irrigated millions to the sectors affected by the restrictions.

In this context, the man who celebrated his electoral victory in front of the Louvre pyramid under the anthem of Europe, opted for a community response to this challenge.

He was one of the main promoters of the joint purchase of vaccines or the community recovery fund.

Ukraine: “The tragic times are back”

When the pandemic seemed to subside, the Russian invasion of Ukraine once again placed him in the eye of the hurricane, because Macron was the great international supporter of the dialogue with Vladimir Putin.

Betrayed by the tenant of the Kremlin, whom he accused of wanting to “rewrite history” and revive “tragic times” in Europe, he pushed for international sanctions against Moscow, but remained the only leader who remained in contact with him.

“That has given him a statesmanlike stature that enhances his image,” says Douillet, who believes that, on balance sheet, Macron now has more support than he did in 2017.